设为首页  |  加入收藏

网站统计

  • 总访问量:人次
  • 当前在线:人次
  • 今日访问量:人次
  • 日均访问量:人次
  • 当前访问IP:
新闻快讯

Six Fallacies of the ASPI Report-- Re-critique the Report of ASIP in Xinjiang

publish time:2020-08-31 16:38| view by:281 | publisher:root

Six Fallacies of the ASPI Report -- Re-critique the Report of the Australian Institute of Strategic and Policy Studies on Xinjiang

Kunfei YANG, Researcher of Baichuan Think Tank, Associate Professor of Collaborative Innovation Center for Security and Development of Western Frontier China.

Longwen WANG, Researcher of Baichuan Think Tank, Associate Professor of Collaborative Innovation Center for Security and Development of Western Frontier China.

The ASPI Report was full of thousands of words, trying to reach a basic conclusion that the Chinese government and related enterprises are “selling” Uyghurs and implementing “forced labour” on them. Therefore, the ASPI Report adopted the following argumentation tactics: first, it set down the accusation of “forced labour” by the Chinese government against Uyghur people; second, searched for the “evidence” of “forced labour”; third, placed the “forced labour” on the Chinese and foreign enterprises that employ Uyghur workers, and finally, stigmatized the global supply chain related to these enterprises, so as to achieve the purpose of destroying the Chinese economy.

The ASPI Report, after the executive summary, eagerly put forward the title of “forced Uyghur labour”. It claimed that of the 11 indicators on forced labour listed by the International Labour Organization (ILO), 6 were related to Uyghur workers, including: being intimidated and threatened, being forced to be dependent and vulnerable, restricted freedom of movement, isolation, abusive working conditions, and overtime work.” Then, in order to prove its so-called “forced labour” accusation, the ASPI Report distorted intentionally the “Aid Xinjiang Plan” implemented by the Chinese government to support Xinjiang's economic and social development, and the Xinjiang poor labour transfer and employment program implemented under the targeted poverty alleviation policy, portraying them as the carrier and path of Uyghur “forced labour”, and severely criticized them.

This practice of the ASPI Report, if not out of political bias and malicious defamation, reflected the authors’ lack of the most basic understanding of China's current economic and social development, especially the great efforts made by the Chinese government to solve the problem of poverty.

Since the beginning of the new century, the Chinese government has been increasing its efforts in poverty alleviation, taking various measures to help poor residents get rid of poverty, and planning to eliminate absolute poverty in China by 2020. In 2016, the Chinese government promulgated the 13th Five-year Plan for Poverty Alleviation, taking the transfer of poor labour force to employment as an important means of poverty alleviation, and calling for vigorous vocational training to promote stable employment and transfer employment.[1] Since then, the Chinese government has issued a series of anti-poverty policy documents, including the Guiding Opinions on Doing a Good Job in Poverty Alleviation,[2] the Circular on Further Strengthening the Support of Employment Poverty Alleviation Policies and Efforts to Improve the Organization of labour Services,[3]and the Circular on Further Promoting the Cooperation in Poverty Alleviation and Improving the Organization of labour Services,[4]which have formed a set of precision support policies specifically aimed at the employment of the poor labour force.

According to the central policy, provinces and municipalities have introduced local measures to promote poverty alleviation through employment in local areas, including actively supporting entrepreneurship to promote employment, vigorously carrying out organized labour export, and providing basic support for public welfare posts and carrying out large-scale vocational training,[5]and remarkable achievements have been made in poverty alleviation through employment. In this process, central and local governments, relevant government departments, enterprises, and labour agencies have made great efforts.

The “three regions and three prefectures” including the four prefectures in southern Xinjiang, are the areas of extreme poverty, and the key areas for China to win the battle of poverty alleviation. The poor people in Xinjiang are generally low in education and skills, and most of them are distributed in areas with weak ecological environment, remote areas and concentrated ethnic minorities. Their basic conditions are poor, the level of basic public services is low, and the cost of poverty alleviation is high. However, under the new normal of economic development, it is a task that the Chinese government and people must complete to ensure that Xinjiang region enters a well-off society synchronously with the whole country. China's current poverty alleviation standard is that the per capita net income of farmers is 2300 yuan at the constant price in 2010, which means that as long as a family has one labour force to go out for employment, it can basically achieve poverty alleviation.[6]Therefore, increasing employment is the most effective and direct way to get rid of poverty.

There are three basic ways to push and promote the poverty alleviation through labour force transfer employment in Xinjiang: first, the government departments directly organize and coordinate to export large-scale labour force to outside Xinjiang and Northern Xinjiang region; second, under the guidance of the government, after education and training by labour companies and training schools, a batch of labour force is transferred and exported; and third, the government supports the establishment of some small and medium-sized enterprises to absorb and accept a number of local labour force as workers.[7]

However, the ASPI Report ignored the macro-policy background of the Chinese government's poverty alleviation, and suspected that the policies and measures of labour force transfer and employment taken by the Chinese government to promote Xinjiang's economic development and alleviate poverty are accused of forced labour. This is a totally untenable fallacy.

Fallacy 1: Uyghur migrant workers are under intimidation and threat, for example, under the threat of arbitrary detention, and under the surveillance of security personnel and electronic monitoring tools.

Fact 1: the Chinese government has never threatened the migrant workers of ethnic minorities including Uyghurs in any form, but has given as much care as possible[8]

The Constitution of the people's Republic of China (Article 4) stipulates that “All nationalities in the People's Republic of China are equal. The state protects the lawful rights and interests of the minority nationalities and upholds and develops the relationship of equality, unity and mutual assistance among all of China's nationalities. Discrimination against and oppression of any nationality are prohibited; any acts that undermine the unity of the nationalities or instigate their secession are prohibited. The state helps the areas inhabited by minority nationalities speed up their economic and cultural development in accordance with the peculiarities and needs of the different minority nationalities.” The policy of transfer employment of labour force in Xinjiang is an important measure to promote the economic development of Xinjiang. Xinjiang migrant workers in other parts of China, like all other migrant workers, their employment rights are protected by law.Enterprises that employ Xinjiang migrant workers need to make contribution to the schemes of pension insurance, medical insurance, unemployment insurance, work-related injury insurance and maternity insurance for Xinjiang migrant workers in accordance with the labour laws.In view of the low educational level, poor Chinese communication ability and unique eating habits of Uyghur workers, the local government of Xinjiang specially arranged Uyghur food chefs to take care of Uyghur migrant workers in factories outside Xinjiang, and selected cadres who know both Chinese and Uyghur languages to provide daily life help for them.The governments of the receiving areas provide also free services for Uyghur migrant workers in respects of production and life, food safety and medical and health care,[9]and gives them comprehensive care as far as possible.

However, the ASPI report ignored the comprehensive care provided by local governments for Uyghur migrant workers and insisted that it was forced labour.

Fallacy 2: Uyghur workers are placed in a state of dependence and vulnerability, for example, their family members in Xinjiang are threatened.

Fact 2: The government has never made Uyghur migrant workers vulnerable. On the contrary, the government always tries its best to solve their worries.

Local governments and enterprises that receive migrant workers from Xinjiang are very concerned about their lives. In the factories, Uyghur workers have a special study room, Muslim canteen, dormitory air conditioning, and washing machines. During their leisure time they can take Chinese training classes. The human resources and social security departments of the governments of the sending counties and cities also actively provide follow-up services for the transferred employees, and help them solve the problems encountered during their working period. In addition, the local government has also actively carried out care work for the families of migrant workers, and timely studied and solved the reasonable appeals and difficulties of their families, so as to ensure that the migrant workers have no worries.

In order to create the conditions for the migrant workers to work at ease, local governments in Xinjiang have implemented the “four cares” mode of services according to local conditions, that is, child care, care for the elderly, care for livestock, care for land.Local governments have built free or low fee-charge kindergartens and nurseries to solve the problem that some people have the desire to go out to work but have children and the elderly at home to take care of; improve the mechanism of large-scale livestock care and land entrusted farming, by which large-scale individual livestock breeding households are centralized to care for or on behalf of cattle and sheep, while the owners of cattle and sheep pay a certain trust fee; the land is entrusted to large households for farming In addition, the commission fee shall be paid annually for each mu, and the above ground crops shall still belong to the land operator after harvest.

Fallacy 3: Uyghur workers are restricted in their freedom of movement, such as being in isolated factories and under high-tech monitoring.

Fact 3: the Chinese Constitution stipulates that citizens enjoy the right of personal freedom, which shall not be illegally restricted, deprived or obstructed within the scope prescribed by law.

ILO's interpretation of “restricted freedom of movement” is that “workers persecuted by forced labour are sometimes locked up and monitored in case they escape during work or transportation.”

Chinese citizens enjoy the right to freedom of movement, and no one may illegally deprive others of their rights. Uyghur migrant workers as ordinary Chinese citizens, no one has the right to arbitrarily restrict their freedom of movement. They are free to go in and out of the factory, visit or play on holidays or rest days,[10][11] and communicate smoothly with the outside world. Many media have reported on the description of the work and life of Uyghur migrant workers,[12][13][14][15][16][17]they are very satisfied with the dormitory conditions,[18]get along well with other employees in the factory,[19][20]and call their relatives after work.[21] There is no so-called “restriction of freedom” and “monitoring”.

According to the ASPI Report, Uyghur workers in Xinjiang were “under high-tech surveillance” and a central database established by Xinjiang authorities “can extract information from a WeChat group and an unnamed smartphone app that tracks the movements and activities of each worker” (last paragraph, page 6).According to this logic, all real name users of mobile phones and various kinds of software are under monitoring and will become victims of forced labour, while all software developers and network operators who need real name authentication will become accomplices of forced labour. Obviously, this is a very absurd logic.

Fallacy 4: Uyghur workers are isolated, such as living in segregated dormitories, and transporting Uyghur workers in isolated trains.

Fact 4: Uyghur migrant workers are not isolated.

ILO definition of “isolation” is that “victims of forced labour are often isolated in remote areas, unable to contact the outside world” or “isolated in densely populated areas, or locked in the house, or the means of communication is confiscated. They can't contact their families and ask for help from the outside world.”

Uyghur migrant workers in China are completely out of line with ILO definition of “isolation”. The ASPI Report repeatedly mentioned that Uyghur workers were isolated, even used so-called case study to expose the “isolated” situation of Uyghur workers. However, it did not provide any strong evidence. The second paragraph on page 3 claimed that “they typically live in segregated dormitories”, but the evidence provided (Note 3) was a news report of Uyghur migrant workers going out to play on their rest days.[22]

However, the evidence cited by the authors actually makes their own claim wrong, so the claim collapses of itself.The fourth penultimate paragraph on page 6 mentioned that “Uyghur workers are often transported across China in special segregated trains.” The evidence cited (Note 28) was the news report that the first batch of 50 workers from Nilka county went to Jiangsu KTK Group. Looking at the news report “the first batch of 50 workers from Nilka county goes to Jiangsu KTK Group”, it can be found that the original text did not mention the so-called “segregated train”, it only mentioned that “50 urban and rural labour forces will bid farewell to their hometown on May 25, led by three management cadres, and take the train to the KTK Group, Wujin district, Changzhou city, Jiangsu to work stably for a long time.”[23] It can be seen that the authors has no basic honest attitude. In order to prove their own prejudice, they distorted the facts and fabricated evidence. Moreover, the ASPI Report went on to say that “in most cases are returned home by the same method after their contracts end a year or more later” (p.6).The evidence quoted by the authors this time was from the news report “Xinjiang's first special train for immigrant workers to return home this winter” (Note 29). This evidence was even more a joke, as the authors confused one thing with another.It mistakenly regarded the migrant workers from the mainland in Xinjiang as migrant workers returning to Xinjiang. What the news report told was that Xinjiang railway sector arranged special trains to send migrant workers (mainly cotton workers) from Anhui, Sichuan and Henan provinces, the major labour exporting provinces,back to their hometown.[24]

The authors of the ASPI Report made such an obvious mistake, showing that, on the one hand, their research quality was low and they were lack of basic professional integrity; on the other hand, they were so eager to win honor that made every effort to achieve their goals. As a matter of fact, as long as people who have a basic understanding of China's economy and society, and people with basic conscience, will not connect the practice of chartered transportation of migrant workers with forced labour. Due to China's large population and relative concentration of surplus labour force in some areas, many regions have always chartered vehicles to transport migrant workers.[25][26]Generally, during the Spring Festival, in view of large passenger flow,[27] the government or the employing unit will come forward and charter buses and trains to let the migrant workers return to their hometown or work place.[28]It is absolutely not a forced labour, but a public service tailored for migrant workers.

Fallacy 5: abusive working conditions, such as political indoctrination, police sentry in factories, "militarized" management and prohibition of religious activities.

Fact 5:  The Chinese Constitution guarantees all freedoms to citizens, including, but not limited to, personal freedom and freedom of religious belief.

ILO definition of “abusive working and living conditions” is that “victims of forced labour may have to endure a living and working environment that ordinary workers would never accept voluntarily. They may have to work in an environment that is grossly illegal, indecent or dangerous.”

In the ASPI Report, however, abusive working conditions were magically ideologized. Common sense tells us that the so-called abusive working and living environment must be a poor working environment, such as, lack of basic environmental sanitation and safe production conditions, serious pollution, frequent industrial accidents, and even death of workers. The authors actually knew that Uyghur workers can enjoy good working environment and living conditions in factories in the mainland, so they deliberately avoided the real working and living conditions, and intentionally misinterpreted political indoctrination and factory security system as abusive working conditions.This is a typical act of nitpicking,and making trouble out of nothing.

As for the ideological education, for the Chinese people, this is a way of life. There is no fuss about it, and there is no need to be suspicious. The ideological education for the Uyghurs is not simply political indoctrination,[29] but a form of exhortation for people affected negatively by extreme religious thought, and has achieved good results in practice.[30]

Another evidence of forced labour found in the ASPI Report was that “there are security guards in the factory.” This is nothing to do with the so-called “forced labour”. Anyone who has a little knowledge of Chinese society knows that all kinds of work units in China have security guards and walls.Why security and walls? Because the work unit is a management field, setting up security posts is only based on the needs of management and public security, and has nothing to do with the so-called “forced labour”.

In addition to security posts, the ASPI Report also took “paramilitary management” as evidence of “forced labour”. The evidence supporting the view that Uyghur workers are under military management (Figure 9) came from two unidentified private “Baidu Post Bar” accounts, and the words “paramilitary management” appeared in the recruitment information published by them.

The ASPI Report, as if having hit the jackpot, immediately used it to accuse the Chinese government of forced labour on Uyghur workers. The question is, how convincing is it to take this kind of recruitment information that is neither authentic nor authoritative as evidence? In fact, many swindlers are cheating on money and women through publishing online false recruitment information! Why didn't the report authors pay much more attention to the media reports that Uyghur migrant workers work and live together with their mainland counterpart?[31][32] To say the least, in Chinese culture, even if there is so-called “paramilitary management”, there is no need to make a fuss. To say the least, in the context of Chinese society, many secondary vocational schools in China have consciously implemented paramilitary management in order to improve the quality of students and meet the expectations of society and parents due to their complicated sources, diverse backgrounds and uneven qualities. And this kind of management method has also been recognized and supported by the society and parents.

Religious activities in any country must be within the limits permitted by law, China is no exception. Chinese law stipulates that no organization or individual may conduct religious activities in public places. Chinese law prohibits religious extremism and protects legitimate religious activities. The Chinese Constitution clearly stipulates that "citizens have freedom of religious belief". In order to implement this constitutional principle, the Chinese government has allocated funds to rebuild the Yangxing Temple in Urumqi, Batula Mosque in Yining and Mecca Temple in Hotan. At present, there are 112 religious organizations in Xinjiang, and more than 1400 religious personages serve as representatives and members of the people's congresses and political consultative conferences at all levels. The ASPI Report ignored these basic facts, but quoted the so-called “prohibition of religious practice” disclosed by an unidentified person, and accused the government of banning religious activities. It can only be said that it has ulterior motives.

Fallacy 6: working overtime, including Putonghua lessons and political studies after work as part of the workers' work tasks.

Fact 6: there is no excessive overtime, Putonghua courses and ideological education courses are voluntary participation of migrant workers in leisure time[33]


ILO definition of “excessive overtime” is that “victims of forced labour may be forced to work outside the hours and days specified in national laws or labour contracts.” China's labour law clearly stipulates the rights and obligations of both parties to a labour contract. The employing unit shall not force the employee to work overtime or arbitrarily extend the working hours. Organizing workers to study and educate in their spare time is a prerequisite for workers to be voluntary and there is no problem of forced learning. Every country has its own legal common language. As a Chinese citizen, learning to use the national common language is not only the legal obligation, but also the necessary condition for expanding social communication space, which is more conducive to communicate and learn the new skills. In addition, Chinese have the general comment of “Make up Lessons”[Bu Ke] and “Eliminate Illiteracy”[Sao Mang]. It is a common social support action in Chinese social life to make up lessons for the masses with little education and few professional skills.

Conclusion

The author of the ASPI report ignores and does not understand the simple desire of the vast majority of migrant workers in China to "earn more money", and ignores the great progress China has made in protecting the workers' rights. If it is not due to political prejudice and malicious defamation, China certainly welcome and appreciate the objective and neutral statement of facts, pointing out where China's labor rights should be promoted and put forward specific policy recommendations. However, the report ignores the truth, fabricates facts and demonstrates its fallacy to attack and discredit the Chinese government, which is extremely despised by people with scientific literacy and conscience.



[1] the 13th Five-year Plan for Poverty Alleviation (“十三五”脱贫攻坚规划), http://www.gov.cn/zhengce/content/2016-12/02/content_5142197.htm

[2] the Guiding Opinions on Doing a Good Job in Poverty Alleviation (关于切实做好就业扶贫工作的指导意见), http://www.cpad.gov.cn/art/2016/12/13/art_46_56381.html

[3] the Circular on Further Strengthening the Support of Employment Poverty Alleviation Policies and Efforts to Improve the Organization of labour Services(关于进一步加大就业扶贫政策支持力度 着力提高劳务组织化程度的通知), http://www.gov.cn/xinwen/2018-08/21/content_5315238.htm

[4]the Circular on Further Promoting the Cooperation in Poverty Alleviation and Improving the Organization of labour Services(关于深入推进扶贫劳务协作提升劳务组织化程度的通知), http://www.mohrss.gov.cn/gkml/zcfg/gfxwj/201808/t20180823_299798.html

[5] Promote poverty alleviation through employment, preferential policies here! (全力推进就业扶贫,优惠政策看这里!), http://www.gov.cn/fuwu/2018-08/30/content_5317630.htm

[6]Wang Wei. Current situation and Countermeasures of poverty alleviation through employment in Xinjiang [J]. Journal of Management Cadre College of Ministry of agriculture, 2017 (04): 76-80 (王伟.新疆就业扶贫的现状及对策建议[J].农业部管理干部学院学报,2017(04):76-80).

[7]Chen Zongsheng, Zhang Jie, Shi Letao. Government led market operation and enterprises' participation to enhance the level of counterpart support for employment and Poverty Alleviation -- Based on the investigation and Research on the employment poverty alleviation work in Hotan Prefecture, Xinjiang [J]. Theory and modernization, 2019 (04): 46-54 (陈宗胜,张杰,史乐陶.政府主导  市场运作 企业参与 全力提升对口支援就业扶贫工作水平——基于新疆和田地区就业扶贫工作的调查研究[J].理论与现代化,2019(04):46-54).

[8]More than 100 Xinjiang compatriots started a new life in Pengze (100余名新疆同胞在彭泽开启新生活), http://www.pengze.gov.cn/news_view.asp?newsid=43127

[9] National unity, one family----Free physical examination for Xinjiang migrant workers in Pengze County (民族团结一家亲——彭泽县为新疆籍务工人员进行免费体检), https://m.sohu.com/a/242548950_744132

[10]Peng Ze organized the Xinjiang migrant workers of Huafu in Jiangxi Province to carry out the National Day garden tour (彭泽组织江西华孚新疆籍务工人员开展国庆游园活动), https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/PQcCr6Tbj4XXMNMHCcY4AQ

[11]The miniature of Hotan migrant workers' employment in Jiangxi Nanchang high tech Enterprises (和田外出务工人员在江西南昌高新企业就业缩影), https://www.hts.gov.cn/jinrihetian/show.php?itemid=363

[12] Stay stable and have income; More than 1800 poor labour force in Hotan area transferred to Wuchang area for employment (留得下 稳得住 有收入 ——1800余名和田地区贫困劳动力转移乌昌地区就业侧记), http://www.xjqmx.gov.cn/xwzx/xjyw/content_17643

[13] After the transfer employment, they said (转移就业后,他们这样说), https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/_mLKx94W5JNj9K90dT5Z8A(WeChat article)

[14] From the heart of a Xinjiang migrant worker in the mainland: I'm very good in Deyang! We will be grateful to do mobile Xinjiang business card! (一名内地新疆籍务工人员的心里话:我在德阳挺好的!我们会心怀感恩,做移动的新疆名片!), https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/sVVwuQrJYQDyd3R7nylTsw

[15]A letter of thanks from Xinjiang migrant workers in the mainland: I am very good in Nanchang! We will be grateful to do mobile Xinjiang business card! https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/eOODfO1wK0icRhZQqQcH7A (wechat article) 一封内地新疆籍务工人员的感谢信:我在南昌挺好的!我们会心怀感恩,做移动的新疆名片!https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s/eOODfO1wK0icRhZQqQcH7A(微信文章)

[16] "Jiujiang is my second hometown" Xinjiang migrant workers create a happy life in Pengze (“九江是我的第二故乡”新疆务工人员在彭泽创造幸福生活), http://mini.eastday.com/a/180505122149828-3.html

[17]"It's employees and guests. It's friends. It's more like brothers." - Notes on Xinjiang youth working in Shaanxi (“是员工也是客人,是朋友更像兄弟”—新疆青年在陕打工记), http://roll.sohu.com/20160311/n440130386.shtml

[18] Image  |happy life sets sail from here, transfer employment paves the way to become rich (影像|幸福生活从这里启航 转移就业铺就致富路),https://baijiahao.baidu.com/s?id=1637301520845625463

[19] "We get along like brothers and sisters" -- working and living experiences of Xinjiang migrant workers in Shaanxi Province (“我们像兄弟姐妹一样相处”--新疆籍务工人员陕西工作生活见闻), https://www.toutiao.com/i6259876837699092993/

[20]Characters | in order to change the fate of their families, what did these rural women workers in Xinjiang experience when they came to Qingdao? (人物 | 为改变家庭命运 这些新疆农村女工来到青岛 她们经历了什么?),

https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s?src=3×tamp=1589477639&ver=1&signature=vpRcnDWL4y-O1NScjqfxBhgwSnJGMIjv1sdNvkDUCNZKjjCXn6PoW9DCOd5112ofKe8E2VrBOGHSTOEYx81sTLXj5I3wZcVxGH8NZTMgQ9SDtooxJ8UrdygQFCOHzry4McN-flgGz7yinfGSIjCg5CcqByAQcqarRbJ7To5WXDo=

[21] Xinjiang migrant workers in other parts of the country: we are all very good here (新疆籍务工人员他乡吐心声:我们在这儿都挺好), http://v.ts.cn/system/2020/03/05/036133946.shtml(news video),http://xj.sina.com.cn/news/m/2020-03-04/detail-iimxxstf6289382.shtml(news report)

[22] This has been mentioned earlier.

[23] The first batch of 50 workers from Nilka county goes to Jiangsu KTK Group (尼勒克县首批50名赴江苏今创集团务工), http://www.clssn.com/html/node/200848-1.htm

[25]Happy to go home by special train--More than 600 outstanding employees and poorlabourers from Yunnan who work in Guangdong take the free high-speed rail to return home for the Spring Festival (开心坐专列 无忧回家路——600多名云南籍在粤务工优秀员工和贫困劳动力乘坐免费高铁专列回乡过年), https://finance.ifeng.com/c/7tEDdhtRGyK

[26] Baise migrant workers working in Shenzhen started to sign up for love! (百色籍在深贫困务工人员爱心专列启动报名!), http://bbs.xinpg.com/thread-1494793-1-1.html

[27] In 2020, there are be more special train travel information due to special reasons of epidemic situation.

[28] The Spring Festival is the biggest festival in China. Migrant workers have to go home for reunion. China is the country with the largest population mobility in the world. It is often difficult to get a ticket, especially for those poor and remote people.

[29]Vocational skills education and training in Xinjiang(新疆的职业技能教育培训工作), http://www.xinhuanet.com/politics/2019-08/16/c_1124883270.htm

[30]Xinjiang Vocational Skill Education and training center students: they were deceived by extreme thoughts (新疆职业技能教育培训中心学员:以前受极端思想蒙骗), https://mp.weixin.qq.com/s?src=11×tamp=1589473545&ver=2338&signature=SJr5dH3yLM86oh8QzimJYcRvVuys*u0BpD1ZH*iD28VZ5jD0TYCvAAMlUvMLRSJKsW2nHhC1DIRvbN1vbFwJy*3YJYMKKVULzIpX*HpX2nIsagthsr7RCTDfY5JU0zBL&new=1

[31]"We get along like brothers and sisters" -- working and living experiences of Xinjiang migrant workers in Shaanxi Province(“我们像兄弟姐妹一样相处”--新疆籍务工人员陕西工作生活见闻),  https://www.toutiao.com/i6259876837699092993/

[32]Characters | in order to change the fate of their families, what did these rural women workers from Xinjiang experience when they came to Qingdao? (人物 | 为改变家庭命运 这些新疆农村女工来到青岛 她们经历了什么?), https://finance.sina.cn/2016-09-21/detail-ifxvyrit3020666.d.html?from=wap

[33] Build a bridge of love and help Uygur employees in Xinjiang learn Chinese(用心搭建爱的桥梁,助力新疆维族员工学习汉语), http://www.pengze.gov.cn/News_View.asp?NewsID=34308

分享到  
更多

上一篇:“民国时期的边疆与社会研究”研讨会在蓉举行